From The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich (William L. Shirer, 1960, 2011) p641-2
To me as I sat in the Reichstag beginning at noon on October 6 and listened to Hitler utter his appeal for peace, it seemed like an old gramophone record being replayed for the fifth or sixth time. How often before I had heard him from this same rostrum, after his latest conquest, and in the same apparent tone of earnestness and sincerity, propose what sounded – if you overlooked his latest victim – like a decent and reasonable peace. He did so again this crisp, sunny autumn day, with his usual eloquence and hypocrisy. It was a long speech – one of the most lengthy public utterances he ever made – but toward the end, after more than an hour of typical distortions of history and a boastful account of the feat of German arms in Poland (“this ridiculous state”) he came to his proposals for peace and the reasons therefore.
My chief endeavor has been to rid our relations with France of all trace of ill will and render them tolerable for both nations . . . Germany has no further claims against France . . . I have refused even to mention the problem of Alsace-Lorraine . . . I have always expressed to France my desire to bury forever our ancient enmity and bring together these two nations. both of which have such glorious pasts . . .
And Britain?
I have devoted no less effort to the achievement of Anglo-German understanding, nay, more than that, of an Anglo-German friendship. At no time and in no place have I ever acted contrary to British interests . . . I believe even today that there can only be real peace in Europe and throughout the world if Germany and England come to an understanding.
And peace?
Why should this war in the West be fought? For restoration of Poland? Poland of the Versailles Treaty will never rise again . . . The question of re-establishment of the Polish State is a problem which will not be solved by war in the West but exclusively by Russia and Germany . . . It would be senseless to annihilate millions of men and to destroy property worth millions in order to reconstruct a State which at its very birth was termed an abortion by all those not of Polish extraction.
What other reason exists? . . .
If this war is really to be waged only in order to give Germany a new regime . . . then millions of human lives will be sacrificed in vain . . . No, this war in the West cannot settle any problems . . .
There were problems to be solved. Hitler trotted out a whole list of them: “formation of a Polish State” (which he had already agreed with the Russians should not exist); “solution and settlement of the Jewish Problem”; colonies for Germany; revival of international trade; “an unconditionally guaranteed peace”; reduction of armaments; “regulation of all warfare, poison gas, submarines, etc.”; and settlement of minority problems in Europe.
To “achieve these great ends” he proposed a conference of the leading European nations “after the most thorough preparation.”
It is impossible [he continued] that such a conference, which is to determine the fate of this continent for many years to come, could carry on its deliberations while cannon are thundering or mobilized armies are bringing pressure to bear upon it. If, however, these problems must be solved sooner or later, then it would be more sensible to tackle the solution before millions of men are first uselessly sent to death and billions of riches destroyed. Continuation of the present state of affairs in the West is unthinkable. Each day will soon demand increasing sacrifices . . . The national wealth of Europe will be scattered in the form of shells and the vigor of every nation will be sapped on the battlefields . . .
One thing is certain. In the course of world history there have never been two victors, but very often only losers. May those peoples and their leaders who are of the same opinion now make their reply. And let those who consider war to be the better solution reject my outstretched hand.
He was thinking of Churchill.
If, however, the opinions of Messrs. Churchill and followers should prevail, this statement will have been my last. Then we shall fight . . . There will never be another November, 1918, in German history.
It seemed to me highly doubtful, as I wrote in my diary on my return from the Reichstag, that the British and French would listen to these vague proposals “for five minutes.” But the Germans were optimistic. On my way to broadcast that evening I picked up an early edition of Hitler’s own paper, the Voelkischer Beobachter. The flamboyant headlines said:
GERMANY’S WILL FOR PEACE – NO WAR AIMS AGAINST FRANCE AND ENGLAND – NO MORE REVISION CLAIMS EXCEPT COLONIES – REDUCTION OF ARMAMENTS – CO-OPERATION WITH ALL NATIONS OF EUROPE -PROPOSAL FOR A CONFERENCE
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